The Fight Against Illiteracy in the USSR: History and Methods

Contents:

• "Political Agitation as a Tool for Combating Illiteracy"
• "Education or a Fine": Global Efforts to Combat Illiteracy Require Joint Action.
• "Threats to Educational Literacy": Literacy Fighters Find Themselves in a Difficult Situation
• "Courage and Bravery: Heroes Among the Fighters Against Illiteracy in the Tundra"
• "Absence of Traditional Means": Teaching Writing in the Context of a Shortage of Stationery
• From "The Desire to Create a New Reality" to "Increasing Suffering": A Diversity of Responses Society
• From repression to shortages: a variety of methods for motivating learning
• "The ability to read: how illiteracy obscures the knowledge of peasants"
• Uncertainty in the numbers, but the unconditional success of literacy

According to the results of the census conducted in 1897, only 39% of adult citizens of the Russian Empire had the skills to read and write. This meant that 61% of the population could neither read nor write. By the time the Bolsheviks came to power, the situation had improved only slightly, if at all. Data from the 1920 All-Russian Census showed that in regions under Bolshevik control, the illiteracy rate was 60%.

One of the significant successes of Soviet power in its early years was the eradication of illiteracy among the population of this vast country. Tens of millions of people were quickly taught to read and write, despite extremely difficult economic and social conditions. This experience was even recognized by UNESCO, which subsequently applied it in the countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America.

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• The main goal of the fight against illiteracy was political agitation, claiming that “without knowledge of the basics of writing it is impossible to engage in politics.”
• In the fight against illiteracy, the world joined forces, relying on the principle of “teach or pay.”
• Those who eliminated illiteracy sometimes resorted to tricks, but there were also real heroes among them!
• Teaching writing often had to be done using soot and beetroot juice, and not everyone showed a desire to master this skill.
• Methods of motivation for learning were varied - from threats of arrest to pleasant bonuses.
• The rate of forgetting of literacy skills became noticeable, so there was a need not only to support them, but also to form a habit of reading, including familiarization with newspapers.
• Although the data on the success of literacy campaigns is not entirely transparent, it is safe to say that the achievements were evident.

"Political Agitation as a Tool for Combating Illiteracy"

When the Bolsheviks seized power, one of the key areas of their policy was the mass dissemination of literacy. They worked on this with both children and adults. This initiative was driven not only by the need for educated people for the industrialization of the country, which was striving to emerge from a state of destruction, but also by the desire to conduct political agitation. Many poor people, especially from the peasant classes, did not immediately react to the revolution with enthusiasm, and not all of them understood the essence of communist ideas. This required changes. Lenin emphasized: "An illiterate person is outside of politics; he must first be taught the elementary things. Without this, it is impossible to talk about politics; "Only rumors, gossip, myths, and misconceptions remain, but not politics."

In 1919, during the acute crisis of the Civil War, when it seemed that educational issues had faded into the background, the Soviet leadership issued a decree entitled "On the Elimination of Illiteracy Among the Population of the RSFSR," signed by Lenin. The main objective of this document was to provide all citizens of the Republic with the opportunity for active and informed participation in the country's political processes.

The decree provided for the following steps to eliminate illiteracy:

• All citizens of the country between the ages of 8 and 50, including Red Army soldiers in service, are required to master the skills of reading and writing in Russian or the language of their nationality.
• The education process was planned both in already functioning state educational institutions and in institutions created specifically by the People's Commissariat of Education, which was the Bolshevik Ministry of Education.

In the summer of 1920, the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission to Combat Illiteracy, known as the Cheka l/b, was established, which operated under the auspices of the People's Commissariat of Education. The main task of this commission was to create a system for the elimination of illiteracy. To achieve these goals, local literacy commissions were formed - volost, district, and provincial, known as gramcheka. These organizations promoted literacy, opened training centers, schools for literacy education, and courses for future literacy educators, as well as addressed issues related to the organization and financing of their activities.

The system functioned as follows: in communities where the number of illiterate people exceeded 15, special literacy centers, known as likpunkts, were established. These institutions taught reading and retelling printed materials, note-taking, and basic arithmetic, including multiplication and division. Later, the curriculum expanded to include instruction in writing whole and fractional numbers. Classes were held two hours a day, exclusively on weekdays.

After completing the literacy course, students had to pass an exam. Those who failed were sent back to repeat the course. Those who successfully passed the exam were considered poorly educated and had the opportunity to continue their education at the next level – in literacy schools, where subjects such as history, geography, and other sciences were studied. Later, specialized subjects were also included in the curriculum: in rural areas, they began to master the basics of agronomy and animal science, and in cities – polytechnic sciences.

In the regions, literacy training was also seen as an important element of political education. For example, leaflets distributed in Novonikolaevsk, Siberia, stated: "It is necessary to eradicate both alphabetical and political illiteracy. The broad masses must be taught to read, write, and count, as well as to understand all aspects of socio-political life and apply this knowledge in everyday activities." The mass education of adults led to the creation of specialized primers. These teaching aids, approved by the Cheka, simultaneously served as tools of Bolshevik propaganda. Simple texts used for reading instruction recounted the significant achievements that the October Revolution and Soviet power had brought to workers. For example, they reported: "The Soviets have established a 7-hour workday" or "Many workers suffer from tuberculosis. The Soviets have provided free medical care for workers." In addition, the primers mentioned the exploits of the Red Army and explained what the Internationale was.

Besides the famous phrase "We are not slaves, nor are we slaves," the following materials could be found in educational textbooks written by communist authors:

"You started out without a position, working in a bar. Bars don't govern. You've reached the level of management, and now the bars have become your subordinates. However, you value recommendations, while the bars view them with displeasure. For the bars, advice is not a blessing, but rather an unpleasant burden. The bars are irritated by such advice."

Or:

"A new world of work is replacing the old order. In the past, people worked for the barons, but today they work for the common good. Previously, society resembled a flock of sheep, but now we ourselves join councils and make decisions, managing our own affairs."

In the field of arithmetic, they could cite figures indicating the volume of work of Soviet workers in comparison with how much time they had to work during the tsarist period (obviously, this comparison is not in favor of the monarchy). Nevertheless, there were also truly significant educational materials, such as articles on the importance of smallpox vaccination and maintaining hygiene standards.

There were also texts that caused bewilderment. For example, a primer published by the Kyrgyz Central Emergency Commission for Combating Illiteracy contained many completely unrelated words and sentences: “Help. Fist. Allah. Saxaul. The wasp sucked the juice. The fly sucked the sugar. There is not enough sugar. In Marx, intelligence. The mosquito bit the hand. The Amur is a river. Saxaul grew near the village. Mother swept the litter. Marx is dead."

"Education or a Fine": Global Efforts to Combat Illiteracy Require Joint Action.

One of the provisions of the decree on the elimination of illiteracy stipulated that all educated citizens not called up for military service should be involved in teaching the illiterate as part of their work obligations. This was not a volunteer initiative: payment was required for participation according to established standards for education workers. At the same time, criminal liability was provided for evading this task.

Conscription for labor service was carried out through various structures, such as trade unions, party cells, the Komsomol, as well as commissions dealing with women's issues and other public organizations.

Anyone could become an illiteracy liquidator; it was enough to complete special courses. By the autumn of 1920, such educational institutions had opened in 26 provinces, and their number soon began to grow. During 1,200 hours of training, a liquidator was required to master basic literacy, complete a general education course, study industrial and trade union literacy, and acquire basic teaching skills. All training costs, including accommodation, food, transportation, and a stipend, were fully covered by the state. Initially, the state fully funded and organized literacy programs. However, as the country struggled to recover from the ruins, the budget struggled to cope with the costs of such a large-scale educational project. Consequently, beginning in 1923, responsibility for combating illiteracy was officially transferred to the trade unions. They were forced to assume the financial responsibility for maintaining the literacy centers, while the People's Commissariat of Education and the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission (VChK) focused on methodological guidance and the provision of educational materials. Thus, a network of liquidation centers was created, under the auspices of trade unions.

During this period, a mass voluntary association called "Down with Illiteracy" was formed around the Cheka, which, of course, also had its own acronym—ODN. The famous Bolshevik Mikhail Kalinin became the chairman of this society. The main goal of the organization was to involve various segments of the population in activities to eliminate illiteracy, as well as to raise funds to finance these initiatives.

Nevertheless, the authorities did not ignore the issue of financial support: the Council of People's Commissars established deductions from the sale of alcohol and tobacco patents to finance the eradication of illiteracy. Local authorities also sought additional sources of funding for these purposes. For example, in the Orenburg Region, mandatory deductions from a percentage of the commodity exchange, as well as from revenues from entertainment venues and events, were introduced.

By the late 1920s, the "Down with Illiteracy" society had approximately half a million members, and by 1930, that number had grown to three million. This association took a creative approach to funding its activities: its budget was formed not only through admission and membership fees (a rather difficult task, since in conditions of poverty few were eager to part with their earnings), but also through income from lotteries, theatrical performances, and other events. One of the most common slogans of that era was: "Literate, teach the illiterate, or donate 3 rubles 75 kopecks for his education!"

At this time, the newly formed Komsomol also actively joined the cause of eradicating illiteracy. Initially, its activities focused only on educating its members, with the methodological assistance of the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission (VChK). However, in May 1928, the Komsomol initiated the so-called "cultural campaign," which became a large-scale campaign against illiteracy. For young activists, this meant volunteering for the benefit of society. Every literate Komsomol member was obligated to teach at least one illiterate person. Since 1929, Komsomol commissions for the elimination of illiteracy were authorized to involve "all trade union, party, Komsomol, cooperative, and other public organizations, including groups of poor people and farm laborers in rural areas." Decisions made by the commissions became binding on all local institutions and organizations, and only higher authorities could overturn them. The commissions opened and financed liquidation centers, conducted propaganda campaigns, and developed methodological approaches, borrowing from the experience of educators. One form of active participation in cultural propaganda was cultural patronage, whereby an organization or enterprise assumed responsibility for eradicating illiteracy in a given locality. Organizations, enterprises, and collective farms also contributed to literacy funds, a practice known as self-taxation. Furthermore, competitive elements, known as cultural relay races, were actively used, in which participants competed to see who could conduct literacy training in a designated area the fastest.

As a result of the cultural campaign, conducted over the course of one year (from 1929 to 1930), it was possible to significantly increase the number of people receiving education, almost fourfold compared to the previous period: from 1,674,000 to 6,276,000 students. At the same time, the duration of schooling increased from three to four months to a full academic year.

"Threats to Educational Literacy": Literacy Fighters Find Themselves in a Difficult Situation

Despite the successes achieved in the fight against illiteracy, the authorities continued to insist on the need for more rapid results. This desire was likely connected with a desire to showcase the country's outstanding achievements on the international stage. Mikhail Kalinin, who headed the "Down with Illiteracy" society, noted in 1926: "Our Soviet state has a serious problem—illiteracy, which is a sign of the highest lack of culture in any state, and we set ourselves the goal of taking a leading position among cultured nations."

Under pressure from government structures, public initiative, initially based on sincere desire, turned into something obligatory. Spontaneity was replaced by strict plans and clear requirements.

In 1929, the Central Committee decided to expand the circle of participants in the eradication of illiteracy, including not only party and Komsomol members, but also students of proletarian origin, high school students, and other groups of the Soviet intelligentsia, providing them with the opportunity to participate in party, Komsomol, and public activities. At this time, demands from the party and government bodies to set unrealistic deadlines for completing tasks began to arise increasingly. For example, on September 27, 1931, a decree was issued that ordered the organization of universal education for illiterate people aged 16 to 50 by the 14th anniversary of the October Revolution, although this deadline was less than a month and a half away.

Since 1936, centralization began to transfer plans for the eradication of illiteracy to public organizations. As a result, literacy liquidators found themselves under significant pressure. Unsurprisingly, many of them began to inflate the data in their reports on the fulfillment of assigned tasks. In some cases, liquidation centers and schools existed only on paper. In other institutions, progress was weak and uncertain.

In 1929, the Gzhel factory's party newspaper, "Avangard," published an article in its section "Literacy in Danger of Collapse":

At the Voldarsky Factory, 159 illiterate people were recorded, while 32 workers were undergoing training. However, the public showed no interest in this issue. A cultural worker from a workers' cooperative commented on the situation: "I don't have time to deal with illiteracy." In Myachkovo, they note that the fight against illiteracy has effectively reached a dead end. A census has been conducted, but classes have not yet begun. The village council is not paying enough attention to this issue. Local teachers are also distancing themselves from the literacy program and ignoring public initiatives.

The situation at the Spartak factory is similar: there are 11 illiterate and 45 semi-literate workers registered there, of whom only 20 are engaged in training. All factory structures demonstrate complete indifference to this issue. The Komsomol activists have yet to begin work, and the factory committee shows little concern for addressing the problem.

Sometimes, trade unions, village councils, cooperatives, and various public organizations attempted to shift responsibility for eradicating illiteracy to others, most often to teachers. However, already overburdened with various school and community responsibilities, they were unable to take on this task. The main successes in the campaign to combat illiteracy were achieved thanks to dedicated enthusiasts, sincerely inspired by their noble mission. At that time, there were enough such people.

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In the early years of the Soviet Union, there was an acute shortage of teachers. Various measures were taken to solve this problem. The authorities initiated massive teacher training campaigns, including the creation of specialized courses and pedagogical institutes. Young people aspiring to teaching could take accelerated courses that quickly acquired the necessary knowledge and skills. University graduates with other specialties were also actively recruited and sent to schools as teachers. Furthermore, a system for retraining existing teachers was established, which contributed to improving the quality of education. Party initiatives aimed at attracting young people to teaching were also important, not only filling vacancies but also introducing new ideas into the educational process.

Thus, in the face of limited resources and a rapidly growing student population, the Soviet Union was able to find ways to successfully cope with the teacher shortage and ensure access to education for all.

"Courage and Bravery: Heroes Among the Eliminators of Illiteracy in the Tundra"

A striking example is the Komsomol activists from Saratov: they independently carried out a census of the illiterate, produced primers, created boards for teaching writing, and raised funds to eliminate illiteracy.

A striking symbol of the dedication of the movement's participants is the fate of Komsomol member Amalia Khazanovich, whose life spanned the period from 1912 to 1986. She was born in Irkutsk, and after joining the Komsomol at the age of eighteen, she was sent to the Urals to organize a reading hut. Later, her path led her to the Lytkarino collective farm, located in the Moscow region, where she was awarded the title of "best izbach", which confirmed her outstanding abilities in organizing the work of reading huts.

Amalia had long dreamed of traveling to the Arctic, and in 1936, she was entrusted with the task of managing a red chum (tent) located in the most remote corner of Taimyr. However, she didn't live in a traditional chum—instead, she lived in a balka (a small house on runners). The space inside was quite limited, and to accommodate all the necessary things, Amalia decided to commission folding furniture from carpenters. She managed to gather essential work items, such as alphabet books, primers with pencils and crayons, books (including "A Brief History of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks)"), and reading magazines, with the help of her Komsomol friends. They also helped her with board games like dominoes, chess, and checkers, as well as a gramophone with records. For four months, the girl traveled with the local Dolgans. But soon her determination led her to travel even further—to the Nganasans. These people were known for their extreme distrust of foreigners, sometimes displaying aggression: two literacy educators were expelled without even starting their work, and one of their teachers was murdered. Furthermore, in Nganasan culture at the time, the role of women was extremely limited, meaning that a young teacher, even if she were lucky, could hardly expect to be taken seriously. However, all these circumstances did not frighten Amalia; on the contrary, they inspired her. In May 1937, she set out into the tundra alone, as no other brave people were available. Despite centuries-old prejudices, Amalia managed to win the trust of the Nganasans. She began by playing records for the locals, showing them albums and magazines, and retelling fairy tales and fictional plots. Her accessible explanations of the revolution, collective farms, and the constitution also made an impression. Furthermore, Amalia was not shy about hunting alongside the men, which likely contributed to her respect among them. Amalia Khazanovich's first student was the elder nomad, Asyandu Vasepte. He was the only one in his community who spoke Russian and became her translator. It soon became clear that traditional textbooks were unsuitable for her student, as Khazanovich did not have the 1927 edition of the "ABC Book for Northern Peoples," compiled by ethnographer Vladimir Tan-Bogoraz. Many words from the standard primer were unfamiliar to the Nganasans, forcing Amalia to create her own versions of phrases. For example, instead of the usual "Mama washed the frame," she used "It's hard to walk through the tundra in summer."

In the spring of 1938, Amalia completed her assignment, but over the next ten years she continued to work in the Arctic region, holding various positions and tirelessly focusing on education. In 1973, Khazanovich published her book, "My Nganasan Friends: From Taimyr Diaries." She left her personal library, containing three thousand volumes, as a legacy to the students of the Khatanga ten-year school—the great-grandchildren of those she once taught reading.

"Absence of Traditional Resources": Teaching Writing in the Context of a Shortage of Office Supplies

Despite all efforts to raise funds for educational needs through taxes and "forced-voluntary" contributions, there was never enough money to meet all needs. The problem was exacerbated by the fact that both individuals and entire organizations often evaded paying these contributions. Literacy training took place under extremely limited financial conditions. It is worth recalling that the 1920s were a time of destruction and an absolute shortage of resources following the Civil War.

The lack of space for educational activities was felt Even in children's schools, which already speaks to the serious situation for adults. In this regard, in accordance with a 1919 decree aimed at combating illiteracy, local authorities were obliged to provide various premises, such as people's houses, churches, clubs, private homes of dispossessed kulaks, as well as any other suitable spaces located at factories and Soviet institutions. However, it is worth noting that many of these premises were in extremely poor condition. Unsurprisingly, given the furniture shortage, students sometimes brought their own chairs and stools to class. Blank paper was also a problem: there was insufficient supply, so they had to use old notebook covers, newspapers, already completed sheets of paper, theater posters, and, as was done in the old days, birch bark and white felt cloth. In some cases, students wrote with chalk or charcoal directly on their desks or on specially made writing boards. Methodological recommendations published in the early 1920s even included a section on how to get by without paper, pens, and pencils. It offered advice such as using lead writing sticks and making ink from soot, beetroot juice, or cranberry juice.

In 1936, local Soviets, as well as directors of enterprises and state farms, were required to provide schools for the illiterate and semiliterate with the necessary premises, lighting, and equipment. However, they themselves often encountered financial difficulties. Moreover, sometimes completely ridiculous situations occurred.

"Rechitsa is a fairly large village, in which there are over a hundred people with a low literacy level," began an article covering the eradication of illiteracy in the Gzhel industry. "The chairman of the Rechitsa factory committee, Sobakin, in response to a proposal to establish a liquidation center, declared: 'I do not have the funds to organize training.'" However, when he was asked to look through the factory committee budget, he was unpleasantly surprised to learn that the approved expenditures only included 2,000 rubles for combating illiteracy…”

A humorous rumor was spreading among the peasants that the acronym “ODN,” which actually stands for the “Down with Illiteracy” Society, could be interpreted as “Waste your money.”

From “Striving to Create a New Reality” to “Increasing Suffering”: A Diverse Range of Public Responses

In the last months of 1924, the Samara newspaper “Kommuna” published a powerful speech by 37-year-old Parkunina, who had just completed her literacy training. In her address, she shared: “I have been repeatedly reprimanded: “You are studying in vain, you are only distracting yourself and wasting your time.” However, I didn't stop there. Despite all the difficulties, I strive for knowledge and want to understand a new life. I want to take part in creating a new world, and literacy is essential for that." Farm laborers who completed literacy training in the Kinel-Cherkassky district supported Parkunina: "At first, we laughed at the older students: 'Look how our Vanyatka is going to school.' However, when the first successes appeared, the laughter stopped. Now the village expresses its deep gratitude to our authorities for the opportunity to study for those who have already grown up."

Red Army soldiers who had also undergone training during their service also shared their joy at the education they had received. One of them remarked: "Before I was drafted into the Red Army, I lived at home and, frankly, had no idea who was in charge of me. But after a year and a half of service, I changed beyond recognition. It was as if I had become a new person, someone who understood everything around me." Another Red Army soldier noted that some of his comrades were completely ignorant, but were now able to write letters and felt proud of it. At the same time, some of them showed no interest in learning, declaring: "We have always been plowmen and will remain so!" To which he replied: "If I learn to read and write, I will become the best plowman among you."

Certainly, such letters and speeches served a function that today could be characterized as "PR" in the fight against illiteracy. Nevertheless, there was undoubtedly some sincerity in them.

In villages and hamlets, the promotion of adult literacy encountered significant resistance, which is understandable. In conditions of poverty and chaos, when people were struggling to survive, education was seen by peasants as an unnecessary burden.

"It is becoming increasingly difficult for a peasant who remains on the wheel, as the number of physical workers decreases and intellectual ones increases," noted peasant Alfey Kichilin (the author's spelling and punctuation preserved). He agreed that knowledge would be useful for the rural population, but expressed dissatisfaction with the increasing number of bosses and demands, while the amount of agricultural labor did not decrease. He concluded ironically, saying that although the Soviet government had been trying to educate Russia for six years, "it remains just as dirty and uneducated, only its suffering has only increased." For the chairmen of collective and state farms, the primary concerns were, of course, those related to agriculture, not the literacy level of their employees. "We're currently working in the fields, and I simply can't be distracted by this issue," shared one of the heads of a state farm plot at the Gzhel mine in the 1930s. Among the many reasons people gave for abandoning education, domestic responsibilities were often cited, especially among women. Some also cited their age, arguing that at their age, education was no longer worthwhile—they had lived without knowledge before and could continue to do so. Moreover, the peasants did not approve of the atheistic propaganda that took place in schools.

Not all workers showed a desire to learn. Many of those who did study often limited themselves to merely completing the liquidation point, without seeking to continue their education and remaining with a low level of literacy. Class attendance left much to be desired, and this is understandable: after a day of work, people wanted to relax, and not sit down at their desks again, especially against their own will.

From repression to shortages: a variety of methods for motivating learning

Both strict measures and incentives were used to motivate the illiterate to learn. In accordance with a decree issued in 1919, the learning process became not only a right but also an obligation for everyone who could not read or write between the ages of 8 and 50. To ensure that adults had the opportunity to receive an education, the maternity leave provided for a reduction of the working day by two hours with the retention of wages.

Various penalties were applied for failure to fulfill educational obligations. Approaches varied significantly depending on the era and region. For example, in the Kazan province in 1920, "malicious" draft dodgers could be sentenced to up to three months of correctional labor, fined, or deprived of ration cards—a real ordeal during the famine. In Petrograd, similar offenses resulted in reduced status in the rationing system and expulsion from trade unions. In the Saratov province, evading school could even lead to imprisonment in a concentration camp for up to three months.

From the mid-1920s, harsh repressive measures began to be increasingly criticized both in the press and in speeches by Soviet politicians. By the end of the decade, they were partially replaced by moral pressure and public condemnation. For example, in the early 1930s, satirical plays mocking those who shied away from education began to be staged in clubs and reading rooms. Show trials—agitation courts—were also held. Although such courts did not have the power to send anyone to prison, they were quite capable of publicly shaming the accused.

Various incentives, both non-material and financial, also existed. Scarce goods were sometimes distributed at likpunts, and lists of graduates were published in newspapers and proudly announced at workers' meetings. Evenings and graduation ceremonies were held for them, and they had the opportunity to receive invitations to public office.

Liqbez also functioned within the ranks of the Red Army. Conscripts who could not read or write, or who possessed only basic skills, were organized into special school companies and squadrons. Under such conditions, there wasn't even a question about whether to study or skip classes—it was impossible to avoid.

Marshal Budyonny recalled that the Red Army soldiers continued their training even during wartime, using every free minute, for example, while on the move.

"Letters were attached to the soldiers' backs, and those riding behind them memorized them. As soon as the training began to yield results, a section called "Political Literacy Corner" appeared in the newspaper "Red Cavalryman," publishing simple texts that allowed those who had mastered the alphabet to continue their education."

Army training lasted three months for those who could not read or write, and six weeks for those with limited knowledge. Soldiers who failed the final exam remained for an additional month, with their study load doubling. After returning home, demobilized soldiers taught their fellow countrymen the basics of literacy.

"Reading: How Illiteracy Obscures Peasants' Knowledge"

Among the main difficulties of literacy training, especially in its early stages, is the fact that graduates quickly lost their ability to read and write. The main reason was the lack of practical application of acquired skills in everyday life, which prevented them from receiving the necessary reinforcement. This situation was especially noticeable among residents of rural areas, where there was often no need to read (let alone write), and reading materials were almost nonexistent.

At the second congress of the "Down with Illiteracy Society" in 1929, Nadezhda Krupskaya noted that relapses in illiteracy arose because Marfusha, having left school, was no longer exposed to printed texts: she read neither newspapers nor books and devoted all her time to household chores. Krupskaya called on the congress participants to realize that, despite the high quality of education in our literacy programs and the successes achieved, we will face many relapses if we do not begin to accustom students to reading newspapers and using libraries in the process of their studies.

To strengthen reading skills, literacy campaigners began actively developing reading huts. In fact, these institutions began appearing in villages even before the Revolution, beginning in the late 19th century, when the intelligentsia sought to convey their ideas to the people. In the new realities, reading huts undoubtedly played a key role in political and ideological education, but their role was also to support literacy among peasants, accustoming them to reading and promoting general cultural enlightenment.

Reading huts can be seen as the precursors of modern libraries, which today offer a variety of activities. Moreover, in that era, they were the only places where peasants could obtain information and advice. In these institutions, they not only read books, newspapers, and magazines (often aloud), but also discussed what they had read, created wall newspapers dedicated to current events, and held lectures and reports by both local and visiting specialists. Various clubs, amateur performances, festive evenings, and active political discussions were also organized here.

All these activities were carried out by "izbachi"—enthusiasts from the "Down with Illiteracy" society, who actively recruited people to participate (they went door-to-door, visited field camps and logging sites) and tried to involve local teachers and activists in the activities of the reading huts. In addition, various specialists were invited to give lectures, including political agitators traveling throughout the regions, often including agronomists, veterinarians, paramedics, and leading industrial workers. To support the reading huts, methodological materials were developed with recommendations for organizing their work. One such manual contained the following instructions:

Rural residents often don't know how to handle a newspaper and sometimes underestimate the value of the information it provides. Before newspapers reach readers, the head of the reading hut should review them in advance. All the most interesting materials should be highlighted in colored pencil so that they immediately attract the audience's attention. Also, as mentioned earlier, the newspaper can be read aloud. Shared readings should be organized more regularly. Many villagers haven't yet mastered the skill of reading a newspaper, and although they can't read, they will enjoy listening.

When choosing articles to read, focus on current topics, presented in accessible language, and presenting facts that can be connected to everyday village life. Any unfamiliar terms in the newspaper should be explained, and preferably replaced with more understandable words, as you read. Readers should be prepared to discuss what they've read. It's important to carefully study the newspaper's contents in advance, highlighting the most interesting points for the audience, and anticipate potential conversation questions, while preparing accurate numerical or factual data. Reading should be clear and expressive.

In the Far North, there was a unique equivalent of a library for reindeer herders—red tents, one of which Amalia Khazanovich worked in.

Like the liquidation centers, the reading huts were severely lacking in financial resources. These funds had to be allocated by local village councils, which were also obliged to create suitable conditions for their operation. For such institutions to function properly, they needed at least two rooms, but finding suitable premises was a real challenge—often, only old and dilapidated huts were allocated. During the difficult 1920s, when even villages experienced a firewood shortage, such huts were poorly heated, and sometimes they didn't function at all in winter. Furthermore, few people were willing to work in such conditions, as the wages left much to be desired. Nevertheless, thanks to the efforts of enthusiasts like Amalia, it was possible to establish effective reading huts in some places.

In the late 1920s and 1930s, a new wave of illiteracy relapses began, with graduates losing the skills they had acquired. The main reason for this phenomenon was the desire of the liquidators to focus on the number of those trained, while often neglecting the quality of the knowledge received. For example, someone who had learned to read in just a few weeks but had not mastered writing could complete a literacy course. Naturally, such knowledge was not durable.

Uncertainty in the numbers, but an undeniable success of literacy

The society called "Down with Illiteracy" ceased to exist in early 1936. The official reason for its closure was the successful achievement of its stated goal of achieving literacy among the population. However, historians argue that the true reason for the closure was the organization's transformation into an inefficient bureaucratic apparatus that merely created the illusion of active work. Furthermore, the society's reports are known to have frequently distorted data, making it difficult to determine the true number of people who actually received an education thanks to its efforts. Analyzing the country's census data is a rather complex task. For example, the 1939 census showed that 11% of citizens aged 9 to 49 remained illiterate, while among older age groups, this figure reached 19%. However, it is possible that these figures were inflated, as a census conducted just two years earlier recorded that 26% of people over nine years old were illiterate. The results of this census were kept secret for half a century, and its organizers were subjected to repression, which is likely explained not only by the literacy data, but also by reports of population decline.

At the dawn of a new era of space exploration, there were still a significant number of adults in the country who lacked the skills to read and write. According to the All-Union Census conducted in 1959, their number was 13.3 million. It is noteworthy that the majority of them were people over 50 years of age, who were no longer subject to mandatory literacy requirements.

Nevertheless, despite all the difficulties and obstacles that arose along the way, the literacy program managed to significantly reduce the scale of the problem of total illiteracy in the country in a relatively short period of time.

The fight against illiteracy continued, and in the 1930s, a new, more advanced system was introduced in the country. As a result, compulsory primary school and seven-year education for children were introduced, which helped stop the growth of illiterate adults. In addition, evening schools began to function for adult citizens, offering a more in-depth education that went beyond simple reading and writing skills.

Main sources:

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